Terrorism Act used to 'harass'

From the current issue of the Big Issue in the North magazine 

Bedfordshire Police has denied it is using the Terrorism Act 2000 to gather information about activists who challenge state interests or the behaviour of corporations.

Corporate Watch (CW) is a not-for-profit collective of journalists founded to research the social and environmental impact of corporate power. It was formed in 1996.

CW researchers Therezia Cooper and Tom Anderson* have been stopped and questioned under Schedule 7 of the Terrorism Act 2000 on five occasions at UK airports while travelling to Egypt and returning from research trips to Palestine.

The organisation states that it is “documenting companies profiting from the Israeli occupation as part of aiding the global boycott, divestment and sanctions movement against Israeli apartheid, occupation and militarism”.

Released without charge

On 5 February, Cooper was held for two hours of questioning at Luton Airport by Bedfordshire Police, which later undertook the same exercise with Anderson. Both were released without charge. Other locations where CW researchers have been stopped include Gatwick Airport and the port of Dover.

Schedule 7 allows travellers to be questioned to find out if they might be terrorists. Interviewees have no right to remain silent, cannot access legal advice and can be detained for up to nine hours. In 2012/13, 61,145 people were examined under Schedule 7 and 2,277 were stopped for over an hour.

In August, David Miranda, the partner of Glenn Greenwald, the former Guardian journalist who first revealed America and Britain’s mass surveillance programmes, was held for five minutes short of nine hours.

The Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Bill currently being discussed in Parliament will reduce the time a person can be detained without charge under Schedule 7 to six hours.

Anderson was stopped for around an hour at Luton Airport. He claims he was questioned about a wide range of anti-capitalist activities he is involved in, including the International Solidarity Movement, which supports Palestinian non-violent resistance to the Israeli occupation. Police were particularly keen to know why the groups he is involved with do not inform the authorities in advance of their protest activities.

“Unrelated to terrorism”

On the conclusion of the interview, Anderson was informed that he had been stopped under Section 7 because the police wanted to find out if he was involved in violence or terrorism. Anderson replied: “Your questions are unrelated to terrorism and I don’t believe that is your real interest.”

Anderson said: “Schedule 7 helps the police to build up profiles on activists so they can undermine political movements. The questions were unrelated to rooting out terrorism and the movements they were interested in have never been involved in such activities. They do, however, pose a threat to state interests and the profits of private companies. The police’s role is to protect the powerful against public discontent. 

Grassroots campaigns

“CW is not surprised at the harassment, especially following the success of some of our grassroots campaigns such as the one against G4S, which has challenged the world’s largest security company’s ability to gain further contracts.”

Anderson has contacted his MP, Caroline Lucas of the Green Party. She has provided him with a letter to be given to the police if he is again stopped under Schedule 7 when visiting Palestine. The letter outlines the purpose of Anderson’s visit and requests that the police do not stop him or confiscate his research equipment.

A spokesperson for Bedfordshire Police said it couldn’t discuss individual cases but officers had always used it in a “lawful and proportionate manner”.

“If someone believes they have been detained improperly they have the right to contact our Professional Standards Department or the Independent Police Complaints Commission to raise their concerns,” the spokesperson said.

* names have been changed 

Which? calls for action on premium rate lines

From the current issue of the Big Issue in the North magazine 

Which? is calling on the government to get its act together over premium rate phone lines after a crackdown on expensive calls to GP surgeries was delayed until next year.

The consumer campaigning charity spoke out after GP practices were given extra time to fall in line with guidance originally issued in 2011 by the Department of Health to help end the costly numbers.

Gaps in the guidance

The government has also recently issued proposals to force companies to offer customers who call to complain normal landline prices. However, they do not cover the government’s own departments or the finance and transport sectors.

Which? wants the government to drop its own premium rate lines and to force all companies to provide cheaper phone numbers for customers.

Premium rate numbers were introduced in 1998. Today, the 084 and 087 numbers can cost up to 41 pence a minute and nearly £2 billion annually is spent by consumers on them.

Benefit claimants in particular are badly affected by the charges. For example, crisis loans to people on low incomes are only accessible through an 0845 number.

Last year, there were 130 million calls to government departments that charged premium rates. Telephone giant Cable and Wireless made a £1 million profit in 2012 by providing 0845 lines to HM Revenue and Customs.

Growing anger at the costly charges forced the government to promise action in 2011.

“All reasonable steps”

Now, GP practices have been told they must take “all reasonable steps” to end their use of premium
rate numbers within a year. Currently, one in 12 practices continue to force their patients to use 084 numbers when making an appointment.

Under the new guidelines, patients will be offered cheaper geographical rates.

Jo Swinson, the consumer minister, has also issued draft proposals to force major companies to offer customers who wish to complain normal landline prices. But the Liberal Democrat MP for East Dunbartonshire excluded government departments as well as the finance and transport sectors from the proposals.

Most banks, building societies and credit card companies use premium rate lines, although both RBS and Barclays have recently announced that they will stop doing so.

Petition

Which? has persuaded more than 60,000 people to sign its Costly Calls campaign petition calling on the government to ban premium rate lines for customer and complaint lines and it wants all companies to provide customers with cheaper phone numbers.

A Which? spokesperson said: “This practice has been costing cash-strapped customers millions. The Cabinet Office should lead by example by acting quickly to end premium rate calls to the government and public bodies and then revise their proposals to ensure the law bans costly calls to companies.”

CULTURE IN MANCHESTER book Q@a review

CULTURE IN MANCHESTER 

Institutions and urban change since 1850

Edited by Janet Wolff with Mike Savage 

Manchester University Press 

This book looks at how industrial and architectural changes, art education, religion, popular theatre, pleasure gardens, clubs and societies have all played a part in Manchester’s contribution to modern cultural life, from which some of the city’s residents continue to be excluded.

Why did you both compile this book?

It originated in a year-long seminar in 2008-09 at the University of Manchester, convened by myself under the auspices of the ESRC Centre for Research on Socio-Cultural Change. We decided to put together a collection that would continue the work of challenging any lingering idea of Manchester as lacking real cultural value, in the past or in the present. We also wanted to show the interactions between so-called high culture and more popular forms of entertainment.

What made a place like Belle Vue Gardens culturally attractive to different classes?
It was the sheer range of entertainments within one area – the garden, the zoo, rides, concerts and sport. The Gardens appealed across the classes with the garden and the zoo being particularly attractive to middle-class visitors, and sport appealing to the lower classes. Before Belle Vue, similar ventures, directed only at the middle classes, were unsuccessful, and for such an enterprise to thrive it needed a much wider appeal.

How important was industry for art education in Britain?
Art education in Britain began in the 1830s because, faced with French competition, there was a need for better design in industry. Manchester’s input related to cotton manufacturers and particularly the calico printers. James Thomson and Edmund Potter, two such printers, were actively involved in the development of art schools in Britain.

How was the Italian Renaissance employed to refute charges of cultural philistinism in the 19th century? 

The philistine charge was the main motivating impulse for the great Art Treasures exhibition in Manchester, which the city’s leaders staged in 1857. This featured numerous Renaissance masterpieces plus Michelangelo’s Manchester Madonna, now in the National Gallery. The wealthy new middle classes were often great supporters of the arts and music in Manchester. Some of the most impressive architecture of 19th century Manchester, particularly the palazzo-style warehouses, was modelled on the buildings in Renaissance Florence too.

Did theatre’s architectural changes reflect the changing aspirations of the theatre owners and city fathers towards the end of the 19th century?
Demolishing the People’s Concert Hall was an attempt to remove what was perceived as the most rowdy element of the theatre world. The new theatres – the Palace, the Hippodrome and the Opera House – reflected the cultural ambitions of the managers. Such theatres were quite grand and opulent, designed to attract middle-class audiences.

INTRODUCTION TO CHILE - republished 37 years on

INTRODUCTION TO CHILE

(A cartoon history)

By Chris Welch

First published in 1976 and now – thanks to Unite the union - reprinted by Chile40YearsOn.

Foreword by Richard Gott, who as the Guardian correspondent witnessed events in Chile before and after September 11, 1973.

Visual propaganda in the form of political cartoons is an ancient art. High levels of illiteracy meant those who sought to lead truly popular (mass) movements saw cartoons as part of an effective strategy as the images would reach a large amount of people and ensure the greatest possible amount of understanding.

Although much less well used today, good political cartoons can still retain the ability to convey complex social problems and historical events to large numbers of people with very different educational backgrounds.

Introduction to Chile covers the period up till 1976. This was three years after General Pinochet ousted Chilean President Salvador Allende in a US-supported coup in which he was murdered.

In the aftermath Chile became the first testing ground for neoliberalism whereby Chilean students – titled the Chicago Boys for having received their education in the US – were enlisted to restructure the economy. Privatisation, deregulation and cuts to social spending followed. The rich got a lot richer and the rest got a lot poorer as inequality was intensified. If that sounds familiar, it is, as a watching Margaret Thatcher subsequently brought these policies to Britain in the 1980s and they remain in place today.

In a country dominated by large landowners and major foreign multi-nationals, Allende had become a symbol of hope for many during his brief time (1970-1973) in power in which he legally recognised the trade unions by bringing them into government and the management of nationalised industries. He provided half a litre of milk to every child per day, vital in reducing malnutrition. A large-scale public housing programme was instituted and public services were extended to the vast shantytowns. His government nationalised the copper industry, which continues to provide the bulk of Chile’s income.

Allende said that the world was plagued by poverty, injustice and exploitation and since governments across the world had failed to deal with these issues, they must be caused by capitalism. Allende and his generation proposed to move away from capitalism.

Forty years on, left governments are back in power across parts of Latin America. It is thus appropriate that this book of witty drawings and accompanying text by Chris Welch (a cartoonist since the mid 60s) is being reprinted.  It means a modern audience seeking solutions to an exploitative, unequal, undemocratic world that is wracked by war and poverty and ruled by a tiny elite can examine ‘the Chilean Road to Socialism.’

Free to Unite members – contact Unite education at http://www.unitetheunion.org/growing-our-union/education/contact-us/ to collect your copy.

Unite education is at http://www.unitetheunion.org/growing-our-union/education/contact-us/

Keep it Dark is a bright read

Keep it Dark

Will Jonson

Red Axe Books

This is a very impressive debut novel by Unite community member, Will Jonson. Keep it Dark articulately brings to life some momentous 20^th century political events such as the Spanish Civil War, the Battle of Stalingrad 1942-43, the Holocaust, the Soviet Union invasions of Czechoslovakia and Afghanistan and the shipyard occupations, strikes and riots in 1970s and 80s Britain.

Just eight, Tommy embarrassingly catches his Uncle Jack, often the butt of family jokes for having served in the Merchant Navy during the World War, sobbing his heart out. Tommy grows up loving books. Jack has lots of them. Young and old become close friends.

As Tommy develops an understanding of why Jack was so distressed he is transported back to the 1930s when his uncle left Britain alongside his best friend, Robbie, to join the International Brigades and fight against Franco, and his fascist allies, in Spain.

Both fighters forge intense, brief, relationships with two Russian female crack snipers, whose socialist beliefs are ultimately crushed by a combination of fascism and a Soviet system where the working class was unable to establish its authority over the state bureaucracy.

If the tale itself is therefore heavy, and ultimately tragic, the telling of it is certainly not. All the main characters have real loving warmth to them and as the tale moves across Europe, Jonson’s successful combination of the personal with the political is highly emotive. The scene descriptions are also believable and there is sufficient of a twist to the tale to keep the reader seeking answers. Keep it Dark is certainly worth reading.

http://www.redaxebooks.co.uk/

To order a copy of the book go to:- http://www.amazon.co.uk/Keep-Dark-Will-Jonson/dp/0957338414

The author – Will Jonson is a pseudonym for David Wheeler, who worked for many years as a teacher before retiring on ill-health grounds. Born in 1957 in London, David now lives in Lincolnshire and joined Unite community because (unlike the NUT) it is affiliated to the Labour Party and he was impressed by the number of Unite members on an anti-cuts march he attended in London. He is currently working on his second novel but in the meantime he has started publishing out of copyright books by famous writers such as Jack London and William Blake. See for example:- http://www.amazon.co.uk/Strength-Strong-Other-Stories-Complete/dp/1494706474/ref=sr_1_6?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1388494206&sr=1-6&keywords=jack+london+and+will+jonson

Malcolm Kennedy - R.I.P.

Malcolm Kennedy (1946-2013) 

A victim of a grotesque miscarriage of justice has died aged 67. Malcolm Kennedy will go to his grave having been unable to overturn his conviction for the manslaughter of Patrick Quinn in Hammersmith Police Station on Christmas Eve 1990.

Quinn certainly was slaughtered. All but one of his ribs were broken, his heart and spleen were crushed and his face pulped in a vicious, brutal attack that left him dead in a police cell where both men had been placed after being separately arrested for being drunk.

Middle-aged and unfit, Kennedy had no previous history of violence but according to the police he had woken from his drunken stupor to kill a man he had never met. Kennedy claimed he had been woken up by a struggle in the cell between three officers and the dead man and had been punched unconscious.

The murder of Quinn was considered so serious by the police that officers on duty cleaned the uniforms they were supposed to hand over for forensic tests, the log book showing who visited the cell was "lost" (just one of several vital documents which disappeared) and procedures for calling in the Police Complaints Authority and pathologist were not followed. None of which mattered when a protesting Kennedy was convicted the following year for murder and sent down for life. 

Kennedy was having none of that. He had no record of political activity but he was determined not to go to his grave with a murder conviction. His solicitors located new witnesses who were present in the police station on the night of Quinn’s death and a major World in Action programme was made on the case. 

The case was referred back to the Court of Appeal and a retrial was ordered at which the sudden appearance of previously lost police ‘evidence’ halted a trial that was going badly for the prosecution. When the case returned to court Kennedy’s case was dealt a major blow when the key police witness was declared mentally unfit to give evidence and the judge in the case dismissed Kennedy’s argument that this prevented him having a fair trial. 

At the end of the second re-trial the judge put to the jury that Kennedy may not have intended to kill Quinn and was so drunk that he could not remember what he had done. The jury acquitted Kennedy of murder and convicted him of the lesser charge of manslaughter, a perverse verdict as Quinn’s injuries clearly indicated he’d been brutally murdered.

Kennedy was sentenced to 9 years imprisonment. Thankfully for him there were now plenty of people convinced of his innocence. Hackney Community Defence Association [HCDA] together with members of the Irish community based at the Irish Centre in Hammersmith, formed the Justice for Patrick Quinn, Free Malcolm Kennedy campaign and were to regularly picket Hammersmith Police Station over many years. 

In 1996 in the lead up to Kennedy’s appeal against his conviction an early day House of Commons motion attracted 65 signatures. This was made on the grounds that the trial judge wrongly exercised his discretion by deciding that the police officer was medically unfit to give evidence and then in his absence allowing transcripts of his evidence in previous hearings to be read out in open court. Further, that it was an abuse of process for the second re-trial to continue without the police officer giving evidence. The appeal however was lost. 

Later, when he had been released from prison, Kennedy’s attempts to take his case to the European Court of Human Rights were also unsuccessful. 

No sane person wants to go to their grave having been wrongly convicted of another man’s death, even if it is of the lesser charge of manslaughter rather than murder. Kennedy was determined to legally prove he did not kill Patrick Quinn.

During the protracted court cases officers from Hammersmith Police station had disputed ever previously knowing who Patrick Quinn was prior to his arrest. This meant there was no motive for police officers to attack Quinn.

Yet, thirteen years after Quinn’s death someone who knew him well came forward after he saw a campaign appeal for new witnesses in the Irish press. Joseph Fallon had also died in Hammersmith Police Station in contested circumstances, on 17 September 1987, and the new witness had subsequently helped organise Fallon’s funeral. 

Interesting, but what had that to do with Quinn? “They were best friends.”

So much so that the new witness alleged that at 7.00am on 24 December 24 1990 he was rung by the police to be told that Patrick Quinn, who he had known since 1967, had died in Hammersmith Police Station. 

According to the man Quinn, like Fallon, was a passionate Republican who often had arguments with the local police. 

Asked why he thought the police had contacted him less than 6 hours after Quinn had been confirmed as being dead the Tyrone man felt “it could have been because they had my name in there because of Joe Fallon. My opinion would be that they [the police] knew Patrick Quinn knew Joe Fallon” and as such the man was contacted because of his concern three years earlier when Fallon died.

Despite the new evidence the Criminal Cases Review Commission refused to examine it. 

Meantime, Kennedy, who prior to being incarcerated had owned a restaurant, had emerged from prison to start rebuilding his life by setting up a small removals business. 

This became increasingly difficult due to what he alleged was “highly intrusive and unlawful surveillance” including interference with his phones, mail and emails. This had the effect of blocking him from going about his everyday affairs whilst preventing potential customers making contact with his removals firm and thus losing him a lot of business.

However, Kennedy’s strenuous attempts to pursue a legal case here in Britain and in the European Court of Human Rights were to prove unsuccessful

Three years ago, Kennedy admitted he was not hopeful of “having my manslaughter conviction overturned in my lifetime.

I feel the statement obtained in October 2003, disproving the police claims about not previously knowing Patrick Quinn, was new evidence. Yet the CCRC wouldn’t commit any resources into taking their own statement and re-opening the case. Consequently I am blocked from appealing against my conviction. 

It may be twenty years on but I am still haunted by what happened in 1990. Especially as I am still being harassed due to an ongoing police interest in me. I hoped this would stop when I formally stopped campaigning a few years ago in order to enjoy some relative peace. Sadly that hasn’t proven to be the case, and I still find my phones, emails and letters being interfered with and I suspect that will continue until my death. (It did) 

But, I repeat, and always will - I was not responsible for the death of Patrick Quinn in Hammersmith Police Station in December 1990.”

Graham Smith, a close friend of Malcolm Kennedy, said, “The juries in the three murder trials Malcolm faced were not simply deciding whether he had killed Patrick Quinn. If Malcolm didn’t murder Quinn a police officer must have done it. In 1990, despite the numerous campaigns against miscarriages of justice up and down the country, there was not the widespread disbelief in the police that followed the overturning of the murder convictions of the Birmingham Six in 1991.

“More recently, there have been the revelations that a Metropolitan police officer most probably killed Blair Peach at Southall in 1979, and South Yorkshire Police conspired to blame Liverpool fans for their deaths at Hillsborough in 1989 in order to deflect attention from their own failings.

“After his release from prison, Malcolm helped others who had been wrongly convicted. He developed an interest in filmmaking and would often be seen at meetings with cameras and recording equipment.  A fighter to the end, he unsuccessfully challenged the lawfulness of UK law governing surveillance in the European Court of Human Rights in 2010 and at his death was attempting to discover what undercover cop, Mark Jenner, who had infiltrated the Colin Roach Centre where the Free Malcolm Kennedy Campaign Justice for Patrick Quinn, was based, had told his Met handlers about Malcolm’s case.”   

Malcolm’s funeral will be on Friday 3 January at 2.00pm at the East London cemetery, Grange Road, E15 0HB. There will drinks afterwards at the Black Lion, Plaistow.

There will be a collection in Malcolm’s memory and all donations will be split between United Against Injustice and MOJUK. If you can’t make the funeral but would like to contribute then please contact Mark Metcalf on 07952 801783 or email to markcmetcalf@btinternet.com

The first time Everton faced Sunderland in 1890

Piece taken from Everton FC: the first kings of Anfield 1890/91. 

 Sunderland travel to Everton this Thursday. It is a fixture that dates back to 1890-91 when in Sunderland’s first season in League Football the Toffees won the top-flight title for the first time in their history.

Football boots were different back in the 1890s. 

The game took place under quite different conditions compared to today. Goalkeepers were allowed to use their hands in any part of their own half; there were no substitutes, penalties or even nets. Each side nominated an umpire to control the match and only if they disagreed with a decision would the referee – standing on the touchline – intervene to decide. Pitches had few markings and in the winter they would often resemble mud baths. The ball was often misshapen and players’ boots were largely adapted workmen’s boots that had studs hammered into the soles. The offside rule required three, rather than two, players to be between the attacked and the goal. Strips had no advertising on them. Despite the differences there was still some good football.

The two great clubs faced each other three times in 1890-91 season and Sunderland won two of these games with Everton winning the first in a game played on 15 November 1890 at their ground for the time, Anfield.

 Sunderland had been in special training for the fixture and according to the match report in the Journal they arrived ‘in the peak of condition and as hard as nails.’ The crowd was a good one and included a number of Wearsiders who had travelled that morning on an excursion train. The match opened at a frantic pace but the away side were grateful to fine ‘keeping by Ted Doig who thwarted Fred Geary and Edgar Chadwick with great saves. When the keeper then saved a powerful shot from Andy Hannah he was beaten by Hope Robertson to give Everton a half-time lead. Despite the reverse it was reported that Sunderland fans ‘continued to roar their appreciation for their side.’

Anfield in 1890 - drawing courtesy of Tony Onslow 

The second half saw both sides trade blows but Sunderland were just unable to grab an equaliser and when ‘the final whistle blew a splendidly contested game ended with a narrow win for Everton.’

The return League fixture took place on 20 December 1890 at Newcastle Road and saw bottom-placed Sunderland beat League leaders Everton 1-0. Heavy frost meant the game was in doubt beforehand and this may have contributed to the disappointing 12,000 crowd inside Newcastle Road. The match was given added impetus by the knowledge that the sides would play each other again on the same ground a few short weeks later in the FA Cup; a competition rated of greater importance than the League, which was only in its third season.

The goal that helped take Sunderland off bottom spot came in the second half when Dave Hannah smashed the ball beyond David Jardine in the Everton goal. When the final whistle sounded ‘there was great enthusiasm from the home supporters’ reported the Daily Chronicle.

The sides re-met in the FA Cup on 17 January 1891 and the match attracted Sunderland’s then record crowd of 21,000. Everton arrived the day before the game and stayed in the Roker Hotel. Sunderland employed an army of men to clear six inches of snow from the pitch to ensure the tie could go ahead. The North East Railway company had run special excursion trains from all over the district and these were well patronised.

When the sides entered the arena there was a state of great excitement. The Everton keeper Jack Angus, who had previously played for Sunderland, did well to prevent a number of shots from Sunderland entering his goal. The match proved to be the custodian’s last match as he died in the summer of 1891 at aged just 24. A nice piece of play between John Smith and Johnny Campbell created the space for the latter to make it 1-0 amidst great enthusiasm. When Everton replied, Doig saved splendidly on a number of occasions.

Ted Doig, probably Sunderland's
finest ever 'keeper 

As the game moved towards its conclusion the away side found it almost impossible to exert any pressure on the home rearguard and the match ended in a deserved success for Sunderland when it was reported by the Newcastle Daily Chronicle that ‘Loud cheers rang around the ground and were repeated again and again outside the gates as the victorious Sunderland team returned to the clubhouse.’

Sunderland were to make it through to the last four of the FA Cup before losing to Notts County after a replay.

Fans who are interested in finding out more about Sunderland and/or Everton in 1890/91 may be interested in attending my talk at 1.15pm on 26 December at St Lukes Church, Goodison Park. (The Church is on the corner of the ground)  Entry is free.

Everton FC: the first kings of Anfield costs £12.99 and is published by Amberley Publishing.