Tuesday, 28 July 2026

DIGGING FOR BRITAIN: The autobiography of Lord Williams of Barnburgh

 

I wrote this in 2018 but, for some reason, did not put it on this blog. It appeared in the Landworker magazine. A plaque to Williams would be good. 

DIGGING FOR BRITAIN: The autobiography of Lord Williams of Barnburgh 

‘A revolution in agriculture.’ 

Mark Metcalf examines the life of Tom Williams, the Labour MP for the Don Valley, Sheffield from 1922 to 1959, who has a genuine claim to have done more for British agriculture than any other person. 

Before entering Parliament, Williams followed his father into the coal-mines, serving as the NUM branch secretary at Barnburgh Main Colliery in South Yorkshire. 

From 1918 to 1923, Williams was a Labour Party representative on the Doncaster Board of Guardians, which administered the local workhouses and oversaw the paying of public relief. 

Many local farmers sat on the board. Williams became aware of the low wage rates they  paid their employees. Williams and his friends helped establish local branches of the National Union of Agricultural Workers. 

At the 1922 general election, Williams won with a majority of 4,106. This figure grew at subsequent elections. The Tory government of Bonar Law, later replaced by Stanley Baldwin, failed to tackle rising unemployment levels and in 1923 the first minority Labour Government was elected. Williams became private secretary to Noel Buxton, the agriculture minister.

Labour was in power briefly but it did manage to initiate two significant pieces of legislation including the Sugar Beet Subsidy Act that kept five experimental sugar-beet factories going. The subsequent results allowed East Anglian farmers to engage in this form of agriculture. The Agricultural Wages Regulation Act, opposed by the Liberals but backed by the Tories, established a minimum wage of 30 shillings (£1.50) a week for agricultural workers. 

Labour was returned to power between 1929 only to be annihilated at the GE in 1931 Williams was charged with handling agricultural matters for the party over the following four years. It was a task he performed with distinction. 

With the likelihood of a war with Germany increasing, Labour again lost the election in 1935. The party did though have considerably more MPs and, under the able leadership, of Clement Attlee, the party proved an effective opposition. 

Williams highlighted the poor state of Britain’s farms with few farmers owning tractors or possessing the resources to modernise. Nevertheless farmers opposed any form of state intervention or support and strongly backed the Tory party. Poor productivity levels meant Britain was forced to feed a growing population by an over reliance of imports, something that could only have disastrous consequences in the event of a war in which the nation’s ports were faced with a German submarine blockade.

When Winston Churchill replaced Neville Chamberlain as Prime Minster in October 1940 he acted quickly by bringing into government the opposition Labour MPs. Williams became a junior minster under Bob Hudson, the Tory Agriculture Minster. The pair began a root and branch reform of the industry with everyone accepting that if Britain was to feed itself and win the war then the necessary radical reforms could only be undertaken through state control. Such were to be the successes of the new polices that they remained long after war ended in 1945. 

Despite the clearly emerging crisis, the Tories had allowed the total area of arable land to drop by half a million acres between 1936 and 1939. With enemy submarines now dramatically cutting food imports there was an immediate need to plough up an additional two million acres of grassland. There was not enough skilled ploughmen. 

Williams and Hudson moved swiftly to prevent agricultural workers finding jobs in factories, where the wages were much higher. The minimum weekly wage was upped from 37 shillings (£1.85) to 48 shillings (£2.40). In return farmworkers were restricted from quitting their posts.

The Ministry of Agriculture increased staffing levels and began discussing with farmers what assistance they required to boost production. Williams met farmers of all ages, including the young. After some initial hostility he found a warm welcome. Tractors, thanks to Fords, were produced at an extraordinary rate. The Dig for Victory campaign that Williams supervised saw gardens dug over and a massive increase in the numbers of allotment schemes initiated by local authorities.  

By the summer of 1940 it was agreed that the original two million grassland target needed doubling. Farmers did not posses the capital sums to achieve this figure. So it was agreed to give them an unqualified price guarantee from the Government for the duration of the war and a year after it ended in the form of fixed prices. Prices for feeding stuffs and fertilisers were also subsequently fixed. 

Labour’s long held contention that wildly fluctuating prices crippled British farming was now being accepted by the Tories in the most dire of circumstances. It had the effect of releasing the latent energy of the farming industry. Tillage acreage rose 68% in WWII, a lot more than the 20% figure achieved in WWI. More importantly, the quality of food that people ate was a lot better during WWII than previously.

The Tories promised during the war to formulate a satisfactory post-war policy for agriculture. Yet when civil servants proposed import boards, assured markets and fixed prices, Hudson found he had no support from his party. The Tories were devoted to the free market system that had previously almost destroyed agriculture.

In the event, Labour won a handsome victory at the 1945 GE and after which Williams became Minister of Agriculture. He set to work with great enthusiasm, realising that the job had only previously been a graveyard because a series of past Conservative Governments lacked a policy. 

The 1947 Agriculture Act, introduced only after close co-operation with farmers, translated Williams’ and Labour’s principles into legislation. 

With the world set to suffer from food shortages for years to come it was agreed to develop maximum levels of home produced good food. The aim was a healthy agricultural industry that combined food at the lowest price consistent with adequate renumeration for farmers and workers. This required the Government to guarantee prices to farmers for agricultural products such as milk, livestock, cereals, livestock and potatoes.

The price of food to the consumer was also controlled, the difference between what the farmer was paid for his product and what it cost the consumer was made up by the Treasury. 

Minimum price levels were set two years in advance. This allowed farmers to plan ahead assured of being able to draw a return on the investments they might make in new machinery.

The National Agricultural Advisory Service was inaugurated on 1 October 1946. 1,300 highly trained technical officers were made available to any farmer seeking practical advice for improving farming techniques. In return solutions to problems would be shared with others. 

With the existence of a long-term policy for agriculture, manufacturers of farm machinery now had the green light to go ahead and boost output levels. As a consequence they began to successfully export more products. This, in turn, increased employment in the sector. 

The Attlee Government also revised fishing and forestry. A system of loans and grants to fisherman, many of whom had served in the Royal Navy and had laid up their boats during WWI, to allow them to buy new boats and/or equipment was introduced. A new policy meant that the felling of timber and their prices were to be controlled for years afterwards.

Labour lost office in 1951. The Party obtained its highest number of votes ever and 231,000 more than the Tories, who ended up with a 17-seat majority and who were, at least, sensible enough to maintain the agricultural policies developed by the previous administration such that the production levels of crop, meat, milk, diary and farm machinery continued upwards, So too did average earnings of agricultural workers and aggregate farming net income. 

It was a win, win situation. Little wonder that Clement Attlee praised the work of Williams, who throughout his adult life experienced constant pain from rheumatoid arthritis, by saying that from 1945 to 1951 “he effected nothing less than a revolution in British agriculture.”

30 years on: Remember Docker Micky Fenn: who successfully took on Enoch Powell, the British state, the bosses and the fascists

 

Today marks the 30th anniversary of the death of Micky Fenn, one of my heroes, who I got to know well between 1988 and 1996.   

https://writemark.blogspot.com/2013/10/micky-fenn-trade-unionist-and-anti.html - article of mine from 2013.

Micky Fenn - trade unionist and anti-fascist

 

Part of the Rebel Road series at Unite education. It was a privilege to have met Micky Fenn. 

 

Micky Fenn (11-01-1938 – 28-7-1996)

 

Michael Fenn was one of the most influential trade union and anti-fascist activists of the 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s. At an early age, Micky was heavily influenced by his experiences on National Service in the Middle East during the Suez crisis where Britain wrongly entered the war on Israel’s side. He remained an anti-imperialist for the rest of his life.

 

When Micky became a docker in 1965 he joined the ‘blue’ union, the National Association of Stevedores and Dockers (NASD), which, unlike the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), allowed Communists to be members. Consequently, Jack Dash -a Communist Party of Great Britain member - who was heavily vilified by the conservative press in the same manner as Arthur Scargill heavily influenced Micky.

 

Dash and Fenn were key participants in the founding of the unofficial National Port Shop Stewards movement that united NASD and TGWU dockers in 1967. The following year when dockers at Tilbury marched out in support of Enoch Powell’s inflammatory speech that demanded a ban on black immigration, Micky was one of the few shop stewards (workplace representative) to speak out. He later described it as “the worst day of my life.”

 

In 1972, Micky was one of the London dockers’ leaders that led industrial action when five shop stewards were imprisoned in July for refusing to obey a court order to stop picketing an East London container depot. The Edward Heath government totally misjudged what would happen next. Although many workers were on holiday, hundreds of thousands of workers took unofficial action and with many more set to join the dispute the Trades Union Congress announced a date for a General Strike. This never took place as within a week the five were released. Micky was particularly involved in picketing out Fleet Street, where most national newspapers were printed at the time.

 

Micky said afterwards: “It wasn’t really a dockers’ victory, but a victory for the trade union movement.”

 

The following year, Micky left the Communist Party and joined the International Socialists (which would later become the SWP) and where he became heavily involved in the Anti-Nazi League but soon began a series of clashes with the leadership over the need to physically confront the fascists. This was to eventually lead to him quitting the ANL and he later become involved with Anti-Fascist Action. Micky’s politics on this were described by him in a BBC Open Space programme in 1992 and which is available online atwww.blowe.org.uk/2010/10/mickey-fenn-on-fighting-fascists.html

 

In 1982 the NASD and TGWU merged and by which time Micky was working at Tilbury docks and where he was a leading steward. In 1989 when Thatcher abolished the National Docks Labour Scheme – designed to eliminate casual dock labour – Micky was one of many dockers who organised 11-days of unofficial strike action. He was devastated when he discovered that many ports had already surrendered and in the aftermath he was one of 152 Tilbury dockers sacked. Three years in industrial tribunals produced a successful outcome but rather than get their jobs back the men were awarded compensation. Micky did not work again, but remained active and was the chair of the London support group for the sacked Liverpool dockers in the mid-1990s. The plaque in the CASA club in Liverpool is therefore a fitting tribute to a great man who died at aged 58.

 

Dockers Against Racism: an interview with Micky Fenn in 1990

 Many thanks to Liz Fekete for allowing for this article to be republished. 

 

 

https://writemark.blogspot.com/2019/05/dockers-against-racism-interview-with.html

 

BATTLE ON THE DOCKS – When Dockers Marched for Enoch

Socialist Worker

 

 

https://socialistworker.co.uk/in-depth/battle-on-the-docks-when-workers-marched-for-enoch-powell/

 

MICKY FENN – Biography by Graham Stevenson

https://grahamstevenson.me.uk/fenn-micky/

Born on January 11th 1938, Michael Fenn would become of the core group of leading shop stewards in the Royal Group of Docks, which famously had “Arise Ye Workers” emblazoned on its banner.

Monday, 27 July 2026

NO ROYAL FEAST HERE - Swaziland

 

NO ROYAL FEAST HERE

 

On the last weekend of April, costly celebrations in Swaziland marked the 58th birthday of King Mswati III.

 

Most Swazi though refused to participate. They have been ruled over since 1973 by Africa’s last absolute monarchy. Political parties are banned. Five years ago pro-democracy demonstrators were gunned down. Trade unionists have been forced into exile. This has allowed the King to amass extraordinary levels of personal wealth while the country is one of the world’s most unequal with 63% of people living in poverty.

 

Patriarchal structures are intertwined with climate vulnerability. Yet brave women are cultivating a grassroots revolution aimed at reclaiming knowledge, land and power.

 

Across Southern Africa climate change has disrupted livelihoods, causing crop failure, livestock loss and turning ancestral fields to dust. It all adds to food insecurity, forcing women to travel longer distances to fetch water/firewood and care for climate-affected family members. Adding to the issues women are treated as second class citizens and gender-based violence is widespread.

 

The Swaziland Rural Women’s Assembly (SWRA)  spearheads the Feminists for Alternatives on Climate and Environment, a spokeswoman for whom said “the Sandlalesikhutsele Women Group (SWG)  are building a community seed bank by collecting, preserving and exchanging indigenous, drought-and flood-resistant seed varieties.” The women have learned from their Zimbabwe and South Sudan sisters.

 

This delights Unite’s Charlie Clutterbuck. “In their protected skins, seeds can withstand drought and colds for decades. Creating seed banks is an act of defiance.

 

“Soviet scientist Nikolia Vavilov created the first seed bank in Leningrad. A dozen of his staff died when they refused to eat the seeds during a siege in WWII and thus prevented Hitler getting his hands on them.”

 

According to a SWG spokeswoman, “Seedbanks are lifelines during crises, allowing communities to replant after devastating losses using locally adapted varieties. Selling seeds communally also generates vital income. This work preserves biodiversity and traditional knowledge, safeguarding the genetic heritage that multinational seed corporations seek to erase.”

 

The SWRA’s political demands include that Swaziland adopt and implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas that recognizes peasants’ rights to land, water, seeds, biodiversity and food sovereignty.

 

This would ensure a legal and policy framework to protect rural communities and women’s rights.

By challenging the colliding crises of patriarchy, capitalism, and climate chaos, the SWRA’s impressive optimism, grounded in action and solidarity, offers radical hope. Follow them at https://www.facebook.com/RuralWomen3

 

Unite has long played a positive role for agriculture and rural workers worldwide. This is needed more than ever. Branches can today show international solidarity by affiliating to Action for Southern Africa (ACTSA), the successor to the Anti-Apartheid Movement that played a key role in ending Apartheid in South Africa.

 

ACTSA, which is working with partners to release a Swaziland report later this year, backs trade unions and other Southern African groups who support workers and human rights.

 

https://actsa.org and specifically on Swaziland https://actsa.org/human-rights-in-swaziland/ 

 

 

Unite secures better pay for NI agricultural workers

Unite secures better pay for NI agri workers

The Northern Ireland Agricultural Wages Board (NIAWB) has agreed increased hourly rates for over 10,000 agricultural sector employees, including many migrant workers.

This follows a Unite led a united campaign to defeat plans to scrap the Board by the Northern Ireland Assembly Rural Affairs Minister Edwin Poots and the Ulster Farmers’ Union (UFU).

The previous six-grade system has been reduced to five and Agricultural Wages Board (AWB) rates range from £8 for trainees to £14.44 for agricultural managers, which represent increases of 4.1% and 8% respectively.

Agricultural, lead skilled and multi-skilled workers now earn £13.30, £13.66 and £13.89 an hour respectively. Whilst £13.30 an hour exceeds the government’s legal minimum of £12.71 an hour for workers aged 21 and over it falls short of the higher, voluntary National Living Wage (NLW) of £13.45.

The 15p an hour less that AWB grade 2 workers are now earning below the NLW means they miss out on around £6 a week and over £300 annually. A sum they should be rewarded with.

“We had hoped to achieve, at least, the NLW but the UFU were determined to block this and they succeeded. It remains our ambition, especially as some jobs are highly skilled,” explains Unite regional officer Joanne McWilliams.

The 15 members of the NI AWB, which is the collective bargaining mechanism for private sector works, consists of six reps each from UFU and Unite plus three independent members who, in the face of UFU intransigence, stopped shy of agreeing a new rate that equalled the NLW.

The UFU also blocked Unite’s attempts to ensure overtime rates would now be paid at the same hourly rate as standard working hours.

Joanne McWilliams said: “The UFU consistently complains of its members not having monies and of being expected to maintain ‘unfairly high standards … compared to other industries.”

Even Margaret Thatcher maintained the AWB across the UK during her time as the prime minister, but thanks to the Tories and Liberal Democrat government of 2010-15, England no longer has an AWB after the Cameron and Clegg coalition scrapped it.

Unite’s research has shown that by leaving English farm workers at the mercy of their employers they have struggled to get a pay rise whilst some have even missed out on sick pay.

“The same situation would happen here if the UFU had their way,” explains McWilliams. “So it is good that the AWB remains to provide a negotiating forum to represent workers who are often isolated. We will fight to support its retention for workers to continue seeking much better pay and working and living conditions for those residing on site.”


TRAPPED - will England join Wales and Scotland in outlawing snares?

 Unpublished Landworker magazine 

The long struggle to outlaw snare traps that can bring immense suffering to wildlife and pets in England has taken a giant leap forward. This follows the government’s promised banning of the estimated 200,000 hidden wire traps within its Animal Welfare Strategy that was launched in December 2025.

England will follow the bans against these hidden dangers in 2023 and 20024 in Wales and Scotland respectively. Snares are widely used by the shooting industry. 

Outlawing snares has the overwhelming support of the public, with a OnePoll survey finding that 73% agree that animals have a right to live persecution free. 96 MPs had signed an Early Motion in support of riding the English countryside of snares.

According to DEFRA Secretary Emma Reynolds, MP, its strategy is aimed at “improving the lives of millions of animals across the UK at home, on farm and in the wild.’ Proposals include stronger rules on how animals are reared and slaughtered n the UK plus a ban on trail hunting, which the League Against Cruel Sports (LACS) has demonstrated is frequently a ‘smokescreen’ for illegal hunting.

The government is committed to working with ‘interested parties’ to deliver their strategy by the end of 2030. So, whilst bodies such as LACS and Animal Aid have generally welcomed the government proposals they are not resting on their laurels. Take a look at their – and similar bodies – websites if you’d like to assist them.

UNITE BOOSING THE MOO-D

 

UNITE BOOSING THE MOO-D

Unite brings in better pay and conditions at AI Services  

Highly skilled Irish technicians who work for AI services by artificially inseminating cows for farmers, should finally enjoy much better pay and conditions, thanks to Unite.

Artificial insemination (AI), which has revolutionised cattle production worldwide since the 1940s, has been widely adopted across Ireland as it enables cattle semen to be stored for years. This means farmers don’t need to keep bulls on the farm for breeding with 25-30 female cows.

Assisted reproductive technology permits cattle producers to efficiently introduce desired genetics into their herds. This ensures farmers can be confident that the born calf will either later produce milk or can be raised for meat production.

A test tube is used to deposit fertile semen as close as possible to the ovum inside the female cattle’s reproductive tract.

Well-managed AI programs consistently report conception rates exceeding 65% in healthy cows.

The whole AI process though is complicated, requiring great skill and diligence. Yet for decades those who have worked to provide this essential service for cattle farming across the agricultural industry that forms a major part of the Irish economy, north and south, have been very badly paid.

Working without contracts they have been forced into toiling long hours on a ‘per cow born’ basis that left them earning below the minimum wage. This all began to change when Unite were contacted in August 2025. A meeting with Unite regional officer Albert Hewitt, at a remote filling station saw a substantial number of workers, some with three decades of experience in their trade, attend to raise their concerns.

Hewitt represents workers at Lakeland Dairies and Caterpillar plus Community Members. He explained how the union would be able to help them organise in order to improve their working lives and recruited the technicians as members.

“They had realised their wages were never going up and agreed to join.”

Armed with such strong backing from his new Unite members, Hewitt, approached A.I Services seeking a voluntary recognition agreement.

The company  has responded positively even employing a new Human Resources Manager.

Hewitt said: “I am working with her on this including getting new contracts drawn up. I am confident the issues can be resolved so that there is a tracking system that records how many hours are being worked. A pay rate that, at the very least, initially exceeds the minimum wage can form the basis for long term further improvements.“

Saturday, 25 July 2026

Roly Gregoire and myself on racism in football

Last Wednesday I appeared alongside Roly Gregoire The Roly Gregoire Foundation on the BCB afternoon show. 

Roly was Sunderland AFC's first black footballer between 1977 and 1979 and suffered racism aplenty. So when his career was ended after just ten league games due to a terrible injury he was never the same person for a long time. Thankfully, a recent BBC Look North programme has gone a long way to helping him. For once, I said very little - even more of a reason to listen to the interview that is at:-

https://markwrite.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2026/07/MM-Roly-Gregoire.mp3