Thursday, 27 November 2025

‘HE WHO WEEPS’ - 175 years ago this Saturday

 

‘HE WHO WEEPS’

EXTREME DANGER

Britain was where the industrial revolution began, but what were working conditions like?

29 November 1850 – Halifax

Ten killed, nine female and nine aged 17 or under, and dozens injured as boiler at Halifax 5-storey worsted mill explodes close to train station

Dramatic rescue scenes

Workers who had truanted work left relieved

Employers call for Government inspections of boilers rejected

Factory owner and boiler worker charged with manslaughter

Both later found not guilty after counsel for the owner highlights his loss of property and a niece

BRADFORD OBSERVER – THURSDAY 05 DECEMBER 1850 (note – sub headings have been added to the original report – ed)

DREADFUL BOILER EXPLOSION AT HALIFAX. LOSS OF TEN LIVES.


By the sudden explosion of a steam boiler, on Friday last, (29 November 1850 - ed) the inhabitants of Halifax have had to mourn one of the direst calamities ever known within the precincts of that town, involving, as it did, the sacrifice of no fewer than ten lives, besides serious injuries to many others.

The great portion of a worsted mill was also destroyed. The mill where this lamentable event occurred was in the occupation of two parties, and was situated in Lilly Lane, at the south- eastern corner of the township of Halifax, and about 150 yards from the Halifax Railway Station. One, and the largest portion, of the building was erected many years ago, but the other, and smaller portion, much more recently.



                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                Buildings on Lilly Lane next to Eureka Children's Museum

The former part was occupied by Messrs. Samuel and John Firth, and the latter by Mr. Isaac Firth. Until very lately, these several parties (who are brothers) were in partnership ; but a dissolution having taken place, the mill has been since appropriated in the manner described. The engine-house was beneath the southern part of the old mill, and the boilers, of which there were three, were beneath the new, which was an extension of the old, at the southern end. Thus, the engine being possessed by Messrs. S. and J. Firth, they supplied their brother, Mr. I. Firth, with power, although the boilers by which the steam was generated were directly under that portion of the mill in his occupation. This mill is five stories high, including the garret.

Explosion brings down four storey building

About twenty minutes to three o'clock, the centre boiler, which is of thirty horse power, suddenly exploded ; upheaving into the air the whole of the material comprising the four stories above, and then mingling it on the site in one huge and chaotic pile of rubbish — broken timber and iron, stoned, bricks, and lime! The boiler itself darted forward, but was happily stopped by a viaduct (which runs parallel with the mill at this part) of the West Riding Union Railway, presenting a barrier to its progress, although the violence with which it fell against the bridge broke the railing, and forced several of the coping stones from their places.

Thus, the whole breadth of the mill, to the length of twelve or fifteen yards, was in a moment scooped out to the roof, and dashed into a heap of ruins: there being nothing left standing of what is termed the new mill covering the boiler house, but two or three yards of the southern gable. The effect was as instantaneous and singular as the catastrophe was awful in its consequences. The workpeople were plying their looms at the time in the rooms above, and the great proportion of them were consequently engulphed in the mass of rubbish into which the materials about them were so suddenly reduced.

The explosion is said to have made comparatively little noise, although those in the immediate neighbourhood were startled by a sudden blast, and in a few moments after, horrified to find that a portion of the mill had fallen in.

Remarkable escape stories

Many remarkable stories are told of the hair-breadth escapes of several parties. A little girl named Ann Swift, with five others, were apprised of the danger by a rumbling noise, took refuge in the privy in one of the upper rooms, saw a moment after the floors go down, and were themselves happily rescued from their position by a ladder. One James Duckworth was working in the garret, with four other persons. The rooms fell gradually, and he descended (as he himself stated) as "in a cloud or in "a snow." He fell between some timbers, and seeing a light overhead, he crept out of the hole, which was so small that his clothes were tom to rags by his exertions in doing so. His rescue was aided by Mr. S. Firth and two other persons.

Huge crowd at scene

The alarm created by the accident was of course very great, and in a very short time an immense crowd of persons had assembled in the immediate neighbourhood. John Crossley, Esq., Mayor, and John Waterhouse, Esq., with several of the borough magistrates, were soon present, aiding by their directions and counsel the operations for the rescue of those who might be still living beneath the ruins, and the bodies of those who were dead.

Police, fire brigade and infantry arrive

Mr. Spiers, superintendent of the police, arrived with a large posse of constables. The fire brigade, with one of the engines, was also on the spot and rendered valuable aid, not only in extricating the sufferers, but in keeping down the burning of the fallen materials. Captain Fyffe also marched a detachment of the infantry from the barracks to the scene of devastation. The duty of one party of these soldiers was to preserve order, and of another party, who were in fatigue dress, to assist in removing the rubbish and fallen materials, in order to recover the unhappy creatures who were engulphed beneath. Their labours in this department were characterized by zeal, energy, and bravery.

The operations were materially aided by Mr. Matthias, resident engineer of the West Riding Union Railway, directing the digging in the ruins. And among the anxious and "laborious throng which covered the nuns, none were more active than Mr. James Rawson (detective) and Mr. Sergeant Shepley. The railway and every available spot were crowded with spectators— men" and women of every rank in life; and the brave band of men who were nobly engaged in extricating the dead and the wounded were frequently cheered in their course by the plaudits of the crowd.

Medical men

A number of medical gentlemen, among whom were Messrs. Bramley, Tucker, Harrison, and Stansfield, were present, rendering their assistance to the survivors. Omnibuses and cabs were constantly in the mill-yard in readiness to convey the wounded to the Infirmary.

Parents of the missing present

The friends and parents of those who were missing crowded the mill-yard. Their frantic cries excited the pity and sympathy of the spectators. But the stifled moans, and in some instances/the piercing cries of some of the children beneath the ruins, were pitiable beyond description, and melted many of the spectators to tears.

Fortunately, there were only some thirty or thirty-three persons in the rooms above the boiler-house at the time of the explosion. As will be seen hereafter, an apprehension of danger felt for some days previously had caused the hands to diminish, and this will account for the number being so few.

The greater proportion of those who had disappeared in the ruins had been recovered at five o'clock. As evening approached the exertions of soldiers and civilians were redoubled to clear away the debris, if possible; but owing to the vast mass of iron and wood work which had to be removed, this was found to be impossible.

Their zeal did not flag, though darkness appeared. Naptha lamps and flambeaux lighted up the scene; and the humane work still went forward. About half-past five a voice was distinctly heard beneath one part of the ruins. It was supposed to come from a person not more than two or three yards below the rubbish, although it was impossible for a long time to ascertain the exact spot whence this sound proceeded The interest now excited for the recovery of the poor creature was intense.

Brave

The brave and earnest fellows engaged in this task pushed their labours beyond this point with renewed diligence. They were directed by the mayor, by whose side was Mr. J. H. Mitchell, with an immense flambeau in his hand, lending signal service in the noble effort.

Faint cries

Every now and again the poor creature in the living tomb was heard to utter a sound. These faint cries produced a buzz of commiseration, which was immediately suppressed by the loud voice of Mr. Mitchell proclaiming ‘silence’ and in an instant the vast concourse of spectators were silent. The weak voice of a child was now distinctly hear. The men now wrought with ten-fold zeal. The deeply- affected crowd poured forth blessings upon their labours. At length the entombed sufferer was enabled to hold a conversation who were seeking its deliverance, thereby directing their efforts with greater certainty.

Dramatic rescue

It is difficult to describe the effects of that sad and terrible scene.  Men and women were affected to tears. Hope had been long deferred, and still as they looked on, with ‘bated breath’ their hearts seem filled with anguish lest the object of their intense anxiety and interest might either still evade their search or perish in the effort for its rescue. Happily, the noble exertions of the men were at last crowned with success. The joy of the crowd knew no bounds. About eight o’clock, the sufferer – a little girl – was drawn forth alive. Her exclamation of “Oh, let me go home!” and the sight of her living form, incited the crowd to several rounds of cheering for her deliverers.

The poor child was Rachael Jones, residing at Bath Parade. She had been enclosed for some five hours beneath an immense weight of material. Several medical men were ready to render assistance, but fortunately she was comparatively little injured. A large stone had fallen across her chest, but as this stone was supported on either side, the poor child had been happily enabled to breathe. She was removed to the Infirmary, and is now doing well.

Shortly after this the mill took fire- a casualty which had been apprehended; but by the aid of two engines, which were there in readiness, it was quickly subdued. The search was prosecuted through the night till three in the morning, relays of labourers, of firemen, of soldiers and of police having been brought to the scene. The Mayor retired at 12 o’clock; his place being supplied by S. Waterhouse, Esq. About one o'clock on Saturday morning, the bodies of two females were found. They were dug from a mass of rubbish in which they must have met instant death. Only one body was known to be in the ruins at three o'clock and it was supposed to be imbedded in the north-west corner of the mill. On the labour being renewed, some hours after, the last body was found about eleven o'clock in the forenoon.

‘He who weeps’

Dead and injured – 9 female and one male, named Job, meaning, appropriately, ‘he who weeps’

The following (ten in number) are those who were taken out.

Dead— Emma Mitchel, aged 15, of Lilly Lane; Martha Barker, aged 16, of Bath Parade; Job Swift, aged 17, of Hatters Fold; Sarah Ann Robertshaw. aged 11, of Thomas Street; Jane Murgatroyd, aged 14, of Ovenden; Wm. Pepper aged 8 or 9, of Dam Head Southowram; Sarah Ann Riddeal, aged 17, Caddy Field, Harriet Sutcliffe, a married woman, of Haley Hill; Eliza Priestley, aged 12, of Bath Parade; and Elizabeth Gledhill, alias Stott, aged 11. All were more or less disfigured and mangled. Swift and Pepper could not be recognised except by their clothes. The head of one was crushed to pieces, and that of the other severed from his body. Seven of the bodies were removed to the Blucher, and three of them to the Infirmary.

The following seven, who were more or less hurt and scalded, were removed to the infirmary, as Wounded. — Susan Smith, aged 45, severely scalded. Mary Mitchell, aged 14; severely bruised and scalded. Hannah Mitchell, aged 10; Hannah Brown, aged 13; Amelia Sunderland, aged 12; Mary Ann Carter, aged 14; and Rachel Jones.

 Amongst a large number who received injuries but were removed to their own homes were — James Duckworth, the first man rescued; Martha Hirst, aged 20, Thomas Street; Jeremiah Swift, overlooker; Ruth Ann Lee, of Waterside, who received a fracture of the ankle ; Charles Walker, who, although a carter, was sustaining the part of engine tenter, and who had both his ankles fractured, with other injuries; and Mr. G. C. Firth (a son of one of the partners) who received a fracture on the head.

The effect produced by this terrible calamity was appalling in the highest degree, especially during the night. The vast crowd of spectators whose faces, so expressive of fear and anxiety, were upturned within the dim and flickering shade on either side — the activity, beneath the blaze of torches, of countless stalwart arms engaged in the manly endeavour to rescue the dying and the suffering — the cries and moans of the afflicted friends and parents as one vehicle after another started oft', beneath torchlight, with its load of the dead or wounded — produced a scene inexpressibly solemn and affecting.

Unfit machinery?

Workers had absented themselves from their work on Friday afternoon

Inquest to follow

The inquest will alone enable the public to learn the precise cause of this dreadful disaster. "Rumour with her thousand tongues," is busy, and attributes the accident to neglect and carelessness on the part of the employers. It is said that there were some defects either in the boiler or the engine, and that this fact becoming known, many of the hands were filled with apprehension of an accident. This feeling was so prevalent that many were absent from their work on Friday afternoon, and at present rejoice in the providential escape they have had. Moreover, in consequence of Joseph Helliwell, the usual engine tenter, being unwell, the boiler had, since the previous Friday, been under the care of Charles Walker, a cart driver in the service of the firm. So that owing to imperfect machinery and the imperfect knowledge of the person who had to deal with it, this catastrophe was brought about. Large crowds have visited the scene daily ever since; and the accident has been the theme of every conversation.

On Sunday, the streets of Halifax were thronged with streams of persons who came from other towns and the surrounding neighbourhood. The trains from Bradford and from the valley of the Calder were densely crowded, and we were told at the Halifax police office on Monday that thousands of persons came from Bradford on that day. The scene of the catastrophe was described as being " like Halifax fair" — a season whereat there is always a tremendous gathering of " country cousins!"

Jury sworn in

A very respectable jury was empanelled on Saturday last, before G. Dyson, Esq., at the Town Hall. They proceeded to inspect the bodies lying at the Infirmary and at the Blucher public house, in order to their being interred without delay ; and after receiving the depositions of Charles Walker, of Wesley Street. Lilly lane, they adjourned to ten o'clock on Wednesday morning.

Collection

A collection amounting to £16 odd, was made at Square Chapel, on Sunday evening, to relieve those families thrown into difficulty by the calamity. No fewer than seven amongst the dead and suffering attended at the schools at Square Chapel. The chief constable received a cheque from Messrs. Firth for £20 for the purpose of aiding the internment of the dead. The Mayor summoned the borough magistrates together in order to institute a public subscription.

 

WHAT FOLLOWED?

MANSLAUGHTER CHARGES

There followed a prolonged coroner’s enquiry conducted by ‘a jury of our fellow-townsmen’ who ‘returned a verdict of manslaughter against one of the owners and the engine-tenter’ but as ‘to the capability of these parties, it behoves us to express no opinion, until the accused shall have a full trial on the charge, before another jury, under the direction of one of the criminal charges of the land.’

The newspaper had previously ventured, during the progress of the inquest, to declare that ‘in no case is a jury warranted in returning a verdict of ‘accidental death’.

‘It is now necessary … for a complete investigation to take place in such cases before the jury determines upon a verdict.’

The paper contended that by committing the pair to trial it had taught the lesson of ‘personal responsibility to all engine-tenters and millowners’ and that over the ‘Christmas holidays there will be such an overhauling of boilers as never before in Yorkshire and Lancashire. This is good.’

(All quotes above are from Halifax Guardian December 21, 1850)

Employers call for Government inspections of boilers

The paper had seven days earlier ran an article GOVERNMENT PROTECTION TO THE FACTORY WORKER and reported on a meeting of the leading millowners of the district in Halifax town hall to ‘consider what steps should be taken to ensure greater safety in the management of boilers.’ It was, of course, for the ten killed on 29 November 1850 a case of acting to close the stable door after the horse has bolted. But, a chance to prevent similar deaths in the future was surely best for all? Indeed, ‘this meeting unanimously adopted a memorial to Her Majesty’s Government praying for the institution of a Government inspection of boilers. It was no more than we expected from the respectable millowners.’

The paper reported on how: ‘The Government inspection of Factories (which were first appointed by King William IV in 1833 – ed) has worked too well in this district to leave a chance for the retention in many minds of the older jealously of legislative interference. ‘

Yet the proposal had already been partially dismissed when the coroner Mr Roberts during the Inquest raised the issue prominently before the jury.

Because in giving evidence and in his report Mr Fairbairn, described as ‘the eminent civil engineer and machinist from Manchester,’ in the North British Daily Mail, had according to the Halifax Guardian ‘insinuated an objection to such a legislation because Government did not always make proper appointments.’ To which the paper responded by stating ‘This is not an objection to the thing, but to the abuse.’

The case against Samuel Firth, 53, and Joseph Helliwell, 35 for the manslaughter of Sarah Ann Riddell, at Halifax, on the 29th of November 1850 was held at the Yorkshire Spring Assizes Crown Court before Mr. Baron Platt on Monday, March 17. It was to last ten hours and during which time there had been another boiler explosion in a mill in Stockport and which according to the Huddersfield Gazette of Saturday, March 22, 1851  had resulted in ‘the lives of, at least, 13 individuals being sacrificed.’

Death had been caused it was contended ‘by the prisoners… not by wilfully or malicious means, not that they had any intention of doing injury to the deceased but by want of due caution and care, or gross mismanagement of the duties of their responsibilities.’

Halliwell was the engine tenter responsible for overseeing the boiler. Following a period of illness he had returned to work on the Wednesday and was still working on the (Fri) day of the tragedy. Samuel Firth shared ownership of the mill with his brothers John and Isaac and had responsibility for the safe working of the boiler. He had during the absence of Halliwell employed Isaac Walker, a carter, who according to the Huddersfield Gazette, ‘ knew nothing whatsoever about engines.’’

Production regularly halted due to defective boiler in lead up to explosion

The paper reported on the operation of the boiler in the week leading up to the explosion. On the Friday of the accident, production was stopped on a number of occasions as the speed of the machinery was not quick enough to drive the shuttles. Production had been resumed at 2pm. ‘The engine at first worked regularly, then it went beyond the usual speed, and about 3 o’clock the boiler burst.’ Several scientific people were asked as to the causes of the catastrophe. There were widely different views. The prosecution alleged the accused had failed to ensure there was sufficient water in the boiler. It had been found that the steam gauge was out of order at the time of the explosion. It was reported that one of those killed was Firth’s niece.

Loss of property and the death of a relative employed as argument for a not guilty verdict

It was this that was employed his counsel Mr Hardy to defend Firth on grounds that ‘having lost his  property and some of his relatives by this terrible disaster, he was not the man who should be charged with carelessness or neglect.’ Firth it was contended had also employed for six years a competent man in Halliwell.

The paper reported that Hardy further ‘called on the jury not to brand his client with having been the cause of the deaths of twelve persons, including his own relatives, as it would bring down his grey hairs with sorrow to his grave.’

In defending Halliwell, Mr. Overend, contended that he had left his sick bed to ‘attend to his duties’ and that the gauge may have gone wrong during his time away from work.

Sticking together - factory owner’s character witnesses include three magistrates

Character witnesses were called for Halliwell whilst Mr. Hardy called on three West Riding magistrates in Mr. Barr, Mr Appleyard and Mr. Abbott to give references for Firth.

Before the jury retired the Judge Mr, Baron Platt summed up by stating that supposing Halliwell was guilty it did not follow that Firth was also. ‘For though civilly the master was responsible for the deeds of his servant, yet criminally he was not.’

Not guilty verdict

The paper reported: ‘The Jury immediately found the prisoners NOT GUILTY’ and when they were then charged with the manslaughter of Jane Murgatroyd they were discharged when no evidence was offered.

No one it seems was to blame for the deaths of ten innocents in Lily Lane, Halifax on Friday 29 November, 1850.

Then and now?

Clearly, the tragedy took place in an unregulated industry and the loss of life was avoidable. Some of the workers had even been prepared to forego wages and had absented themselves earlier in the day from work for fear of a catastrophe.  They were the lucky ones.

The workers at Firth’s were not in a trade union. Improvements in health and safety have been argued for by trade unions ever since workers, especially after the success of the London Dockers Strike in 1889, began combining at work. https://markwrite.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/the-great-dock-strike-of-1889-web-booklet11-23272.pdf

Trade Union organised workplaces have better safer records than those that are not. Every year, unions train 10,000 workers in health and safety. Local safety representatives, elected by trade union shops, deal with issues ranging from stress to hazardous substances, representing their fellow workers’ health and safety interests to management.  

Victorian employers and politicians, many of whom were the same, had a laissez faire approach to their employment practices and took no responsibility for human life as they sought constantly to raise production levels and record increasing profits.

Today, children in the UK are not permitted to work full-time until they reach the school leaving age of 16 years. But there are currently 160 million children working worldwide of which 112 million are working on small farms on plantations, often in hazardous conditions. British companies are involved.

See my article - British cocoa companies continue exploiting trafficked children https://writemark.blogspot.com/2023/10/british-cocoa-companies-continue.html

There have been huge improvements in health and safety in the last 175 years but deaths and injuries remain common with over 120 people annually killed at work. (a figure that does not include workplace deaths from road traffic accidents) whilst over 4,000 people, mainly workers, will die in 2025 as a result of having worked with asbestos, often as long ago as 40 years. Many deaths that were the result of a lack of protective equipment that led to the contracting of COVID from work were not recorded.

Watch Remember the Dead and Fight for the Living https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KLyeMYnpVjo

Some employers in 1850 called for the Government to take responsibility for inspecting boilers. This was rejected and there were subsequent explosions that killed workers in Halifax over the following 20 years.

It was not until 1974 that the focus on reducing workplace death and injury saw the passing of the Health and Safety at Work Act, resulting in regular inspections of workplaces by HSE inspectors. However, in recent decades the number of inspectors has fallen and most workplaces will never be visited by one. Read https://writemark.blogspot.com/search?q=COVID+deaths

Corporate Manslaughter Act 2007

It was not to be until 2008 that Corporate Manslaughter charges could be employed against organisations for serious failings that result in death. Yet there have been under 40 convictions up until 2021 under the law. Also in the case of the 2017 Grenfell Tower tragedy it will be, at least, ten years after the event, before the Metropolitan Police will complete their investigations into the deaths of 72 persons. Any charges, never mind convictions against the government, building companies and manufacturers remain a long way away. At least in 1850 the investigation process was swift.

Mark Metcalf, Leeds and West Yorkshire NUJ delegate to Halifax Trades Union Council.

29 November 2025

Stop Press – Thanks to a donation from UNITE members at Marshalls in Halifax a printed version of this work will be published in 2026 and a public event will be held to commemorate all those killed on 20 November 1850.

Meanwhile, interested in working class history?  Please view BREAD NOT BAYONETS – HALIFAX 1842

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i0UxMadnIEA

Sunderland’s Peterloo: Remembering the North Sands 1825 massacre     https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1J_VXf_IIVs&t=101s

Halifax Chartist hero Benjamin Rushton Remembered https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fp4mth4LfwY&t=5s

 

 


                                         Lilly Lane buildings today 


                           In 1850 seven children aged 16 and under were killed on Lilly Lane which is right next                                     to the National Children's Museum. Should the museum remember them? 

 

 Mark Metcalf 07392 852561 

metcalfmc@outlook.com 

 

 

Friday, 21 November 2025

A reminder of how unconcerned the Government was about the COVID crisis in care homes

 

Amidst the carnage of COVID was a total failure of the Government to get to grips with what was happening in care homes where thousands did unnecessarily. I was fortunate in June 2020 to help break this story before any other media outlet thanks to Kevin Gopal at the Big Issue North and Sharon Reed down in Weymouth. ITV was due to break the story nationally but, unfortunately, they had too many staff off with COVID to make the trip down from London to the South Coast.

Here is the story.

 

TEST CRISIS AT CARE HOME

An experienced care home manager has attacked the government for what she believes is a systematic, ongoing failure to develop a coronavirus testing system for care home staff and residents.  

Sharon Reed (pictured) of Weymouth’s Danmor Lodge private care home also feels Matt Hancock and Helen Whately, health and social care ministers, do not understand how care homes operate and have failed to defend those working in them.

https://www.bigissuenorth.com/news/2020/06/test-crisis-at-care-home/

 

https://markwrite.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/care-homes-big-issue-north-magazine-2-june-2020.mp3

Tuesday, 18 November 2025

We are women, we are strong, we are fighting for our lives - Women Against Pit Closures

 

 

Women Against Pit Closures

We are women, we are strong, we are fighting for our lives

Side by side, with our men, who work the nation’s mines.

United by the struggle, united by the past,

So it’s here we go, here we go for the women of the working class.


The independent organising of welfare facilities – including social housing – had always been a big part of mining communities throughout Britain. ‘Societies’ created a community base of support for the sick and needy, generating a collective spirit that had stood the test of time. If the miners in 1984 were to stay out for any length of time then they were going to need everyone in their local communities to get involved.

In the lead-up to the strike there had been discussions in many mining communities about setting up communal kitchens, attached to which would be food-parcel centres. The aim was to prevent people being forced back to work by poverty. Women’s support groups quickly sprang up to turn the ideas into reality.

The women involved, many of whom had never previously addressed a meeting in their life but who were by no means apolitical, were to find themselves plunged into the most exciting times of their lives as they spoke at many meetings and rallies, raised funds, provided welfare rights advice, took part in picketing and challenged the full force of the State, including the police. Some also took part despite resistance at home from their partners who were not used to seeing women as equals who took a public role in political affairs.

Without the women’s efforts there is no doubt the strike would not have lasted anywhere near as long. Amongst the women involved were a number who were on strike themselves from their jobs working in administrative roles in big NCB regional offices, the pit canteens and cleaning offices. (Sadly there appear to be no reliable figures on the actual numbers of women strikers.)

In east Durham the women in the SEAM campaign swiftly organised kitchens in the Easington area. Very quickly there were established over 50 miners’ support groups in the county and this helped ensure that Durham remained totally solid for the first five months of the strike.

Having started out by attempting to use women, and miners’ wives in particular, as victims of an irresponsible strike the media were unable to ignore the highly politicised voice of women in mining communities. In the first few days of the strike the papers were full of stories in which women in Nottinghamshire were urging their husbands not to strike. In Barnsley, five women met and wrote to the Barnsley Chronicle to counter the suggestion that women weren’t in favour of the strike. Seeing the letter it wasn’t long before other women were stimulated into getting involved.

Over the next few weeks the group helped with supplementary benefit claims for wives and children of striking miners. Welfare Rights workers provided the women with advice. In the following months the 50 women in Barnsley Women Against Pit Closures (BWAPC) organised 16 different kitchens, each providing 300 meals. The women also had to find the money to pay for the meals as, by and large, all women’s support groups were responsible for finding their own funds.

In Carmarthenshire, Cynhedire WAPC raised £1,000–£1,500 a week to pay for their kitchen whilst in Faudhouse in West Lothian women collected in their village every day. In Kent the Women’s Committee regularly received food from the Daily Mirror printers and at Christmas turkeys arrived from Smithfield Market.

At their weekly meeting on 22 April 1984 BWAPC agreed to hold an All Women’s rally on 12 May 1984. Three women – Lorraine Bowler from Barnsley, Annette Hoyroyd of Nottingham (whose birthday it was) and Maureen Douglass of Doncaster – were invited to speak, along with Jack Taylor and Arthur Scargill. Both men encouraged the women to lead the march and maintained a position, surrounded by children, a couple of rows behind.

Everyone involved hoped for at least 2,000 to turn up on the big day. At least five times as many came from all parts of the country and they were cheered all the way by people lining the street as they marched.

At the rally in Barnsley Civic Hall Lorraine Bowler said: “ This fight does not just belong to the men, it belongs to us all. It has been good over the weeks to compare how some men have reacted to women’s involvement in the beginning and how they react now. It has been a gradual acceptance for most. The reception we receive from the men on picket lines and demonstrations is tremendous … Being active, as we are, takes away most of the uncertainty that is involved in a strike … We cannot allow this Government to decimate our industry and our communities. Is that what we want for our kids?

“In this country, we aren’t separated as a class. We are separated as men and women … I have seen change coming for years and the last few weeks has seen it as its best. If this Government thinks its fight is only with the miners, they are sadly mistaken. They are now fighting men, women and families.”

As a result of the day’s events links were forged that established a national women’s group – Women against Pit Closures – in all but name. Possibly the first ever national working class women’s organisation, this was formally constituted on 22 July 1984 when miners’ wives (around 75% of those present) and women supporters representing every British coalfield met at Northern College, Barnsley for their inaugural delegate conference.

This was called to co-ordinate a National Women’s Demonstration in London with the purpose of highlighting women’s support for the miners in their fight for jobs and against pit closures as well as to inform the public of the effects the pit closure programme would have on mining communities. It was intended to present the DHSS with a bill for £45,000,000, the sum that had been deducted from striking miners’ social security entitlements over the first 20 weeks of the strike.

There was also to be a 100,000-signature petition presented to the Queen appealing to her to speak on behalf of the miners’ defence of their jobs and communities. 15,000 women from all coalfields descended on the capital on 11 August, proving that the women behind the strike were determined to continue the struggle.

The Little Blue Bus

Every time we see a little blue bus

It sends shivers right through us

You see these are full of police

They keep saying they’re only here to keep the peace

But the only thing we get from them is

Are abuse and lies and intimidation

They arrest our men whenever they like

Even when they’re in bed in the middle of the night

They threaten women and children with arrest

Of course this is something that we detest

They don’t care, they don’t respect us

They just drive around in their little blue bus.

Lynn Dennett, Church Warsop WAG

The Party

Oh what a lovely NOISE,

Hundreds of shouting girls and boys

Tables of goodies laid out with care

Ten minutes flat, laid again bare,

Boys now wearing, jelly daubed trousers

Girls, the last in spattered blouses.

Oh what a lovely NOISE,

Children’s laughter joy of joys,

Rivers of ice-cream running down legs,

Bursting balloons like gunpowder kegs,

Christmas crackers, streamers, one enormous din,

 

Disco dancing, party games, prizes to win

Oh what a lovely NOISE,

Santa’s arrived with sacks full of toys,

Sweating faces shining with glee,

Scramble in turn onto his knee,

Whispering secrets recoiling in shock,

Have they been naughty, most certainly not

Oh what a lovely NOISE,

As without ceremony or poise,

Wrapping papers discarded, flung to the floor,

Everyone happy, who could ask more,


Time to go home, the noise starts to cease,

Oh what a lovely, lovely, PEACE.

Madeline Butterfield

‘‘Our organisation got better as the strike went on. More women are becoming politically active and want to carry on the women’s movement after the strike. Our women in the various groups have visited Germany, Denmark, Austria, France, Belgium, Sweden, Holland, Spain, Norway, America and Canada. Contacts have been made with union organisations, socialist groups, miners’ families and communities and ordinary people. A great flow of clothes; food, toys and chocolate cake came at Xmas, with vast sums of money. Many lasting friendships were made. People from these countries have visited the mining communities.’’ South Wales Women’s Support Group, which covered 100 women’s support groups across the 27 pits in South Wales.

“We loved it; everyone was like a community, everyone helped each other. We were all skint, all in debt, but we were together. If it hadn’t been for the strike I’d never have gone to America, never had met all those people.” Liz French of Kent Women’s Committee.



Wednesday, 12 November 2025

A figment of his imagination: People's History of the Anti-Nazi League by Geoff Brown - part 2

 In the previous blog post at https://www.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/9213221449000331725/662162860916076563

I made reference to the booklet on the ANL that was published by the Colin Roach Centre, where I was the elected co-ordinator at the time, in 1995.  

I noted that in the People’s History of the Anti-Nazi League by Geoff Brown that according to the publisher's synopsis

This definitive history of the Anti Nazi League draws on extensive interviews with leading figures and local activists, along with contemporary coverage in the national, local and music press (from the 1970s) 

The conclusion

Anti-racism is a force as never before. The Black Lives Matter movement that exploded after the murder of George Floyd by a police officer, 25 May 2020, in Minneapolis, saw between 7,500 to 10,000 protests in the US, protests that were much more multiracial and much more likely to penetrate into suburban and into rural areas than had previously been the case. ……on Saturday 6 June, 15000 marched in Manchester……

Can we mobilise such forces to defeat today’s far right and fascist threat? In the fight against the politics of despair, the history of the ANL is a source of hope. Since the destruction of the NF, every attempt by fascists to launch electoral or street-based fascist initiatives has been defeated with the ANL’s successor organisations, Unite Against Fascism (UAF) and Stand Up to Racism, (SUTR) playing a leading role. A tradition has been established rejecting any alliance on the state in favour of mass collective action……….


In the 1990s Anti-Fascist Action published the Fighting Talk magazine and the following is an article from the magazine. 




Monday, 3 November 2025

A FIGMENT OF HIS IMAGINATION: People’s History of the Anti-Nazi League by Geoff Brown

 

A FIGMENT OF HIS IMAGINATION

 

People’s History of the Anti-Nazi League

Geoff Brown

According to the publisher's synopsis

1977. Labour in government. Unemployment growing and despair spreading. The National Front on the march and rising fast at the polls. Racist attacks on Black and Asian communities increasing. Then came the Anti Nazi League. A vibrant mass movement challenging the NF and racism on the streets, in workplaces, in colleges and schools. The ANL broke the back of the NF. This definitive history of the Anti Nazi League draws on extensive interviews with leading figures and local activists, along with contemporary coverage in the national, local and music press.

The conclusion

Anti-racism is a force as never before. The Black Lives Matter movement that exploded after the murder of George Floyd by a police officer, 25 May 2020, in Minneapolis, saw between 7,500 to 10,000 protests in the US, protests that were much more multiracial and much more likely to penetrate into suburban and into rural areas than had previously been the case. ……on Saturday 6 June, 15000 marched in Manchester…….. a week later, the home secretary, Priti Patel, told parliament that 210,000 had protested in demonstrations in Britain in 160 towns and cities over the previous weekend.

Can we mobilise such forces to defeat today’s far right and fascist threat? In the fight against the politics of despair, the history of the ANL is a source of hope. Since the destruction of the NF, every attempt by fascists to launch electoral or street-based fascist initiatives has been defeated with the ANL’s successor organisations, Unite Against Fascism (UAF) and Stand Up to Racism, (SUTR) playing a leading role. A tradition has been established rejecting any alliance on the state in favour of mass collective action……….

 

Clearly the reality is that anti-racism is not ‘a force as never before,’ and those on the Stand Up To Racism march on 13 September 2025 were (very, very) fortunate that the state in the form of the metropolitan police did not abandon protecting it in central London when the 5,000 participating were dwarfed by the 100,000+ on tommy Robinson’s event. Fact is, of course, the UAF and SUTR have, even on much smaller events, for decades hidden behind police lines when the going has got tough. The stewarding is a joke and the SUTR organisation is an anti-democratic shame that, thanks to cash from trade union bureaucracies, today gives paid organisers jobs to members of the SWP rather than SUTR members electing – or deselecting – experienced persons or young people with a talent for action for such roles.

In the mid-1990s I was the elected co-ordinator at a self-funded members run centre in hackney called the Colin Roach Centre. Colin had been killed in Stoke Newington police station in 1983. The centre provided a wide range of free advice and, in addition to running our own campaigns that included opposing police brutality and for workers’ rights, supported local people self-organise campaigns on housing and against deportations. Unsurprisingly, it attracted state attention and an undercover police officer was charged with finding out more.

The centre issued a magazine and was able to publish a series of booklets that sold in good numbers. The funds generated helped pay for running costs and towards my wages.

Amongst our membership were a number of experienced anti-fascists that included myself. In 1995 I wrote the second part of a £1 pamphlet titled Anti Nazi League – a critical examination 1977-81/2 and 1992-5. Part 1 was written by Jim Kelly, who, unlike myself, was a member of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and ANL.

30 years on the work is still relevant. In part 1, Jim charts how the launch of the ANL signalled a move to the right by the SWP leadership desperate to work with pop stars and labour politicians. Meanwhile, anti-fascist militants were developing their own national links. In September 1978, the SWP refused to oppose a National Front (NF) march to Brick Lane as that would have interfered with a carnival on the same afternoon. Branches who had opposed the NF on the day were shut down.

Then there followed a heavy defeat for the NF at the 1979 general election to Margaret Thatcher, who had stolen their rhetoric. The NF abandoned its strategy of electoral responsibility and turned even more violent. However, when SWP comrades, virtually all of whom were working class and involved in rank-and-file groups in their industries, fought back they were abandoned and expelled. The party was over and the ANL was closed down.

As such despite the successes that Brown is able to identify in his book, the anti-fascist politics of the 70s cannot provide the answers for today. A new working-class agenda is needed.

Part 2 starts by recalling the 5,000 strong Anti Fascist Action (AFA) march in Bethnal Green on 10 November 1991. Around 1,000 of the attendees were members of the SWP. Fascism had been growing steadily across Europe in the previous decade. This included across east London where the growth of the British National Party was being opposed physically and politically by AFA.

So, without even discussing it at their national conference that was held the same weekend in November it was suddenly announced by the SWP leadership that members were now expected to rebuild the ANL. As many of the AFA leadership included those who had been expelled from the SWP following the 1979 election there was never going to be an approach to work together. Instead the ANL  began with a squabble, over which MPs would back them, with another new, this time black-led organisation, the Anti-Racist Alliance. 

In September 1992, the Blood and Honour music network announced its intention of hosting a major gig that was expected to attract around 1,500 fascists and racists. AFA mobilised at Waterloo to occupy the meeting point for those attending the gig. In the events that followed, the fascists’ plans were severely dented. Only around 300 made it to the music which was played amidst a raging battle over who was to blame for the fiasco.

SWP/ANL members – who earlier in the day had held a 1,000 strong rally – totalled around 100 at Waterloo and yet when they produced a programme for their subsequent massive 200,000 ANL strong carnival they listed Waterloo as one of their successes.

The SWP/ANL then provided canvassing support for the discredited Labour Party candidate on the Isle of Dogs during a local council by election. Council workers then walked out when the British National Party (BNP) candidate was elected but were persuaded by their national and local leadership to return to work whilst the ANL ‘Council Workers against the Nazi’s’ grouping stood silently by.

In 1994, the ANL, and others, then miss organised a demonstration in Welling in which they failed to confront the fascists, who were holed up in a nearby pub surrounded by the police who were protecting them from AFA. 

Meanwhile, the growth in Combat 18, which proved to be led by fascists linked to the security services, was simply ignored by the ANL which, under instruction from the SWP leadership, now abandoned the anti-fascist struggle for trade union ones.

The booklet can be downloaded at:-

https://markwrite.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/anl.pdf

Friday, 24 October 2025

DEFEAT SNATCHED FROM THE JAWS OF VICTORY - OCTOBER 25TH 1980 AND NACODS

 

Taken from IMAGES OF THE PAST – THE MINERS’ STRIKE BY MARTIN JENKINSON, MARK HARVEY & MARK METCALF – published in 2014 and republished in 2024

“IF YOU BUY ONE BOOK ON THE MINERS’ STRIKE BUY THIS ONE” – DAILY MIRROR

 

Defeat snatched from the jaws of victory                                  

It was in October 1984 that the real possibility of an NUM victory arose when MacGregor’s arrogance resulted in a dispute with the pit deputies’ union, NACODS. Early in the strike it had been agreed that NACODS members would not cross picket lines at strike-bound collieries. When the NCB chairman ordered them to do so a ballot to strike won an 83% vote for action.

Strike action was planned to start on 25 October 1984. If it went ahead working pits would be closed down as by law work could only be carried out at a colliery in the presence of a pit deputy.

Stopping production would have created a major problem for the CEGB and the government, who must have been terrified at the fear that the miners’ might deal a third blow – in 12 years – to a Tory administration. Another defeat may well have caused the British ruling class to question whether their support for a party used to power was worth continuing in the future. It would certainly have led to deep recriminations within the Tory Party, an organisation well used to quickly getting rid of its leaders. Thatcher, herself, was to find this out in November 1990.

Speaking in 1993 Thatcher was candid when she said: “We were in danger of losing everything because of a silly mistake. We had to make it quite clear that if that was not cured immediately, then the actual  management of the Coal Board could indeed have brought down the government. The future of the government at that moment was in their hands and they had to remedy their terrible mistake.”

With Whitehall’s top officials having outlined to her how British industry could be forced on a three-day week, an anxious Thatcher ordered a chastened MacGregor to be “as conciliatory as possible on the points of substance,” (Downing Street Years) including the withdrawal of his circular regards crossing picket lines at strike-bound collieries.

After extensive discussions NACODS was persuaded to abandon their fight to “achieve some form of arbitration in cases of disagreement over closures” (Downing Street Years) and accepted a mildly souped up pit closure review procedure just 24 hours before strike action was due to start.

According to Scargill: “the fact that NACODS leaders ignored pleas from the NUM and TUC not to call off their strike … poses the question – whose hand did the moving, and why? Over the years, I have repeatedly said that we didn’t “come close” to total victory in October 1984 – we had it, and at the very point of victory we were betrayed. Only the NACODS leaders know why.”

In the decade that followed, the new agreement failed to save a single mine and thousands of NACODS members lost their jobs as a result of failing to fight pit closures. Following the agreement, Jack Taylor had warned them that would be the case when he said: “Nothing has changed as far as the board’s pit closure programme is concerned … only a victory by the miners will halt that closure programme, save Cortonwood, Bulcliffe Wood and the three other named pits and stop further closures on economic grounds.”

NACODS example shows that the adoption of more moderate tactics by the NUM would not have saved the Tories from butchering the mining industry. Steelworkers adoption of similar tactics in the early 80s had failed to prevent the decimation of their industry. After the miners’ strike ended areas that tried to work closely with the Coal Board suffered, like others, a series of rapid closures.

 

 

 

The Miners’ Strike

In addition to being the most bitter industrial dispute the miners’ strike of 1984/5 was the longest national strike in British history.

For almost a year over 100,000 members of the National Union of Mineworkers, their families and supporters, in hundreds of communities, battled to prevent the decimation of the coal industry on which their livelihoods and communities depended.

Margaret Thatcher’s government aimed to smash the most militant section of the British working class. She wanted to usher in a new era of greater management control at work and pave the way for a radical refashioning of society in favour of neo-liberal objectives that three decades on have crippled the world economy.

Victory for her government meant draconian restrictions on picketing and the development of a militarised national police force which made widespread arrests as part of its criminalisation policy. The attack on the miners also involved the use of the courts and anti-trade union laws, restrictions on welfare benefits, the secret financing by right-wing industrialists of working miners and the involvement of the security services.

This attack was supported by a compliant mass media but resisted by the collective courage of miners and mining communities in which the role of Women against Pit Closures in combating the ensuing poverty and starvation was heroic. Inspired by the struggle for jobs and communities, support groups across Britain and the world helped create a situation where the miners came close to winning their historic struggle.

At the heart of the conflict was the Yorkshire region, where even at the end in March 1985, 83 per cent of 56,000 miners were still out on strike. The official Yorkshire National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) area photographer in 1984-85 was the late Martin Jenkinson and this book of his photographs – some never previously seen – serves as a unique social commentary on the dispute that changed the face of Britain.

 

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

Monday, 20 October 2025